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Webmaster's note: Ron Unz opposed incumbent
Governor Pete Wilson in the 1994 Republican primary, his first political
race, and received 34 percent of the vote. The following profile appeared
a month before election day.
Los Angeles Times
Sunday, May 8, 1994
Unlikely Path Led to Wilson Foe's Far-Right Challenge
POLITICS: A computer 'genius' with a passion for Greek philosophy,
Ron Unz has set out to jolt the GOP.
By AMY WALLACE, Times Staff Writer
When 32-year-old theoretical physicist Ron Unz decided to run for governor,
even some friends tried to talk him out of it.
"Politics is not the kind of thing you expect geniuses to get into,"
said Eric Reyburn, who attended Harvard University
with Unz.
Rivko Knox, Unz's aunt, worried that the race would be brutal. "I
said: ‘Can you take criticism? What if you speak and people laugh at you?'"
David Horowitz, the conservative activist,
was more blunt. Instead of a politician, Unz "looks like a person
who reads science fiction novels and night and spends all the rest of his
time on a computer talking to other people about science fiction,"
said Horowitz, who has spent hours discussing politics with Unz. "I
told him: ‘You're an intellectual. ... Your passion is ideas. You'll be
murdered."
But Unz, the soft-spoken owner of a small
computer software company in Silicon Valley, calculated the odds and made
up his mind. A month ago he formally challenged Gov. Pete Wilson for the
Republican nomination, launching a statewide media blitz financed with
more than $1 million of his own money.
Ever since, Unz has blistered Wilson, calling
him a hypocrite, an opportunist — even a closet Democrat. The ultraconservative
long shot has attacked the more moderate incumbent for raising taxes, bashing
immigrants and supporting "the pathology of the social welfare state."
Although he has been short on specific solutions, Unz's relentless debating
style and his willingness to spend freely have won over some skeptics.
"I was afraid he would embarrass himself.
But he hasn't. I'm glad he's out there pushing," said Horowitz, who
has dubbed Unz's campaign "The Revenge of the Nerds."
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Few people believe that Unz can beat Wilson
— Unz admits that his campaign is an "uphill battle." Still,
some Republicans worry that the young challenger will wound Wilson, making
it easier for a Democrat to replace him.
The Wilson campaign, which at first attempted
to ignore Unz, recently began responding to him, labeling one TV ad in
which he accused Wilson of letting Los Angeles burn during the 1992 riots
"a new low" in the campaign. Though their recent tracking polls
show only about 8% of Republicans would vote for Unz, Wilson's camp has
begun to take him more seriously, poking into his background — and informing
reporters of the results.
Dan Schnur, Wilson's spokesman, said one
call to First Boston Bank, one of Unz's former employers, yielded this
tidbit: Unz is remembered as the only job applicant even to list his IQ
on his resume.
In fact, Unz may have one of the few IQs
worth noting on a resume. It has been estimated at 214, a statistic that
one intelligence expert describes as "one in a million." Educated
at Harvard, Cambridge, and Stanford universities, he has mastered not only
theoretical physics and computer programming, but also ancient Greek history.
The author of several scholarly papers on the Spartan naval empire, he
is probably the only gubernatorial candidate who warms to the subject of
Plutarch.
"The history of the Greek city states
really gives you a sense of how nations or states can decline," said
Unz, who claims that his many areas of expertise have each helped prepare
him for executive office. "People told me that politics can be frustrating.
But when you have sat month after month working on the same computer program,
you get used to ... incremental change."
Braininess does not necessarily yield political
savvy. Unz used the mathematical concept of "expected return"
to assess whether he should enter the race. Multiplying the probability
by the possible payoff, he concluded that if he had at least a one-in-five
chance, running would be worth it. But most political experts say he drastically
misjudged the odds.
If Unz's intellect is unique among political
candidates, Unz says that is not the reason to vote for him. Instead, he
wants people to respond to his ideas — among them, smaller government,
fewer regulations and traditional values. He claims he, not Wilson, is
in the Republican mainstream.
He rails against bilingual education and
affirmative action (policies that he says amount to "ethnic separatism")
and bad-mouths welfare programs that he says foster "irresponsibility,
illegitimacy and a sense of disconnection from the work ethic in American
society."
To hear Unz's current ideology, one might
never guess at his background.
Unz's ads describe him as "the
Republican for governor," but he grew up a Democrat. He was born in
the San Fernando Valley in 1961 and had his first involvement with politics
at age 11 when he donned a McGovern T-shirt and accompanied his mother
door to door, stumping for the Democratic presidential candidate.
The candidate who vows to "roll back"
public assistance programs once relied on those programs for survival —
when growing up in North Hollywood, he and his mother were on welfare.
Unz, who today describes the culture of illegitimacy as a root cause of
crime, was born out of wedlock — a fact that made the young Unz "very
ashamed," he said.
Some politicians might use such personal
details to bolster their arguments. Unz, by contrast, prefers to keep them
at a distance, discussing his childhood only at a reporter's request.
"I really don't think my personal background
has had much of an impact on my views," Unz said recently, moments
after comparing his mother, Esther — a former high school teacher who he
says "made some stupid mistakes" — to TV's "Murphy Brown."
"The ‘Murphy Brown' case works great on TV, but it's not clear to
me that it works in practice."
In his case, Unz says, "the system worked."
Enrolled in public schools, he proved a top student — a math and debating
whiz who as a senior in high school became the third Californian ever to
win first place in the national Westinghouse talent search competition.
Despite his own success story, he firmly believes that welfare does more
harm than good.
"The truth is that the cost of living
in America, if you're talking about living relatively simply, is pretty
low. The marginal cost of eating simple foods and not starving is minimal.
And there ... would be more charitable organizations in society if these
[welfare] programs didn't exist," he said, adding that he does not
believe that the assistance he and his mother received "was that much
of a help."
Esther Unz recalls things differently. To
cut costs, she said, she and her young son lived with her parents. But
when she fell ill and was unable to work, she applied for aid. The money
she received from the government was essential, she said.
"Ron's father was out of the picture
very soon. ... But my parent's home was paid for. What saved us financially
was there were no rent payments," she said, adding that her son's
conservative views are something of a mystery to her. "For some reason
he turned to the other side. I never tried to structure him as far as [political]
party. He just kind of came out this way."
Despite their differences, she is immensely
proud of her son and believes his sincerity and industriousness would make
him an effective governor. She has long worried, however, that his penchant
for hard work has left him without a fully rounded life.
"Now all I can hope for is he will have
time for some extracurricular life," she said. "And get a girl.
Because he has had very few in his life."
Unz says he wants to marry and have children,
eventually. But when he puts his mind to something, he says, he focuses
completely. For several years his financial software company, which devises
specialized "code" to help Wall Street firms manage their investments
efficiently, has been his primary fascination. So far he has not given
his personal life the same kind of attention.
A visit to Unz's large Spanish-style home
in Palo Alto reveals a life completely built around work. Three of the
five bedrooms — which house his company, Wall Street Analytics, Inc. —
are filled with files and computer equipment. The rest of the house appears
largely unoccupied. He sleeps on a mattress and box spring set on the floor.
His spacious living room not only lacks furniture — it's utterly empty.
"I've only lived here a year,"
he says, nodding toward a well-appointed kitchen he has never used. "Monomaniacal"
is the word one friend says Unz uses to describe himself. Asked what he
does for fun, he answers: "I've been very busy."
When asked the same question, Unz's best
friends from Harvard do not hesitate. For fun, they said, Unz has always
loved to talk politics. "Ron's idea of a good time at a party is to
have five or six people stand around and talk about the issues of the day,"
said Reyburn, who fondly remembers a nightly college ritual: dinner, spiced
with spirited political debate.
"He's an intellectual, not a party animal,"
recalled Robert Dujarric, another friend who remembers those dinners warmly.
"He likes to talk to people. Even though he's very much at home in
the realm of computer software and numbers, he likes to socialize."
Unz graduated in 1983 with a double major
in theoretical physics and ancient history and headed to England. There
on a Churchill Science Fellowship, he studied quantum gravitation under
Stephen Hawking.
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While continuing his studies at Stanford
in 1986, Unz and two of his former junior high school teachers developed
a plan to create a public academy for Los Angeles County's high-ability
students. Despite winning the support of some educators, the proposal was
rejected by officials who worried that if an elite school drained off the
best students, ordinary schools would become less challenging.
Unz describes this incident, his first deep
involvement on a public policy issue, as an eye-opener. He came to believe
that if he wanted to improve society, he would have to get rich enough
to champion the causes important to him.
He took a summer job on Wall Street in 1987,
working in mortgage finance at First Boston Bank. He taught himself computer
programming and soon wrote "The Solver," a program that used
the computer to carve up mortgage loans into securities — a series of calculations
that until then had been done by hand.
Unz's work was outstanding, his colleagues
recall, and he accepted a full-time job. But some who worked with him said
he could be inflexible when he believed he was right. It was that single-
mindedness that ultimately led to his departure, they said.
David Warren, a managing director at First
Boston who was hired the same day as Unz, recalled: "He came from
an academic background where if your professor told you to do x, and you
did y because it was better than x, and then you explained your reasoning
— your professor shook hands with you and said: ‘Congratulations, you were
right.' He felt that was the way he was going to behave."
Unz's bosses did not share this approach.
A few months after taking the job, Unz left to start his own company. For
the next six years, Unz worked seven days a week, up to 20 hours a day,
writing computer code in his modest apartment in Queens.
New York City appalled him. The crime and
the poverty proved to Unz that welfare programs not only were not working
but were the cause of society's decline. He began reading Commentary magazine,
and was so impressed that he ordered 15 years of back issues. When his
long hours started to pay off (his first sale to a Wall Street investment
firm netted nearly $200,000), he used the money to fund conservative projects.
˛
Unz will not say what he is worth, but says
he gave hundreds of thousands of dollars to think tanks such as the Manhattan
Institute in New York City and to Linda Chavez's Center for the New American
Community in Washington, D.C. Even before moving back to California two
years ago, Unz sought out the Los Angeles-based Horowitz to see if he needed
funding.
"I wanted to do this book ‘Surviving
the PC University,'" recalled Horowitz, cofounder of the Center for
the Study of Popular Culture. "He said: ‘How much will it cost?' I
said $10,000, and he pulled out his checkbook and wrote me a check."
"I don't care much about money,"
said Unz, who drives a compact car and has spent more on clothing while
preparing to become a candidate than he had during the previous several
years. "The whole reason I wanted to make money was to be able to
influence policy."
Late last year, when Unz realized that no
other Republican was likely to challenge Wilson, that attitude made it
easy for him to volunteer. To others, spending a hard-earned personal fortune
to run what in all likelihood will be a losing race might seem crazy. To
Unz, it was civic duty.
"The odds are, you lose. But if you
don't try it, you're sure to lose," he said, adding that he plans
to spend a lot more of his money before the June 7 primary. "A lot
of this is patriotism. ... At some stage, individuals have to decide whether
they're going to make an effort."
So far, Unz's rhetoric has been dominated
by criticism of Wilson. His lack of specific alternatives has hurt him
even among some Republicans who dislike Wilson.
"He's not for me," Dieter Holberg,
a retired engineer, said after hearing Unz speak at he Riviera Country
Club in Pacific Palisades. "You can say, ‘Cut things.' ... But it
would have been long done if it was easy to do."
But at times he strikes a chord. The California
Republican Assembly, a conservative grass-roots organization, has endorsed
him. And recently, after hearing Unz blast programs such as prenatal care,
drug rehabilitation and "New Age self-esteem counseling," a few
members of UC Berkeley's College Republicans came away impressed.
"You get a strong sense that here is
a fundamentally competent person who is intelligent enough to grasp everything
— though that is not the same thing as being able to command or lead. But
I don't particularly think that Wilson leads," said Gregory Sikorski,
27, a history major. "I will support him now and support the Republican
[nominee] later."

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